奠基早期美俄关系的《美俄商约》与詹姆斯·布坎南

1832年詹姆斯·布坎南作为美国驻俄公使来到圣彼得堡,并首度主持、签署了与俄国的《商贸与航海条约》。此前十余年美俄两国处于相互戒备状态。此约是美俄关系史上的第一份官方贸易条约,并一直持续到1912年,长期规范着美俄贸易,也引领了美俄早期商务关系,影响了两国的早期外交关系,甚至也影响了此后美国对俄长期的外交政策。詹姆斯·布坎南为此发挥了特殊作用。本文依据历史文献揭示了这段鲜为人知的历史进程及其演进的原因。     

State transformation goes nuclear: Chinese National Nuclear Companies’ expansion into Europe

Abstract

Most of the literature on state transformation focuses on China’s relations with African, Asian and Latin American countries and the National Oil Companies’ overseas expansion to show that China has become fragmented, decentralised and internationalised. This article contributes novel findings by focusing on China’s relations with Europe and the actions of China’s National Nuclear Companies (NNCs). It shows that NNCs, which have become relatively autonomous actors, often pursue their agendas of expansion into Europe without much coordination with, or even in contradiction to, other ministries’ agendas and interests, especially the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Instead of being orchestrated by the central government, their expansion reflects considerable disorganisation and sometimes undermines China’s official strategy. The article demonstrates this through case studies of NNCs’ involvement in the UK and Romania.     

Revisiting Transnational European Consociationalism: The European Union a Decade After Lisbon

This article discusses the notion of consociationalism as applied to the EU and assesses whether the institutional and procedural changes introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon (ToL) and by the management of the Euro and refugee crises still warrant considering the EU as a case of consociational democracy. Our contention is that the changes introduced by the ToL bore the promise to strengthen the consociational structural traits of the Union but that the further institutional and procedural changes engendered by the management of the Euro and refugee crises have made the behavioral dimension of consociationalism all the more necessary just as the accommodating orientation of the political elites had begun to evaporate. We support this argument by looking at empirical evidence which allows us to offer a set of propositions on the effects of the recent crises on the attitudes of the European elites towards the future of EU democracy.     

The Green New Deal Must Preserve the Existing Nuclear Fleet

Abstract

As the largest source of carbon-free energy in the United States, nuclear energy must play a vital role in reducing emissions. This article suggests the Green New Deal, an ambitious federal proposal to address climate change, should aim to preserve the existing nuclear fleet by authorizing states to establish zero emission credit (“ZEC”) programs. The ZEC programs will provide credits, in the form of revenue, for the carbon-free attribute of nuclear energy. This article posits the ZEC programs should be based on a model ZEC program developed by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and explicitly authorized by amendment of the Federal Power Act to avoid issues of preemption.     

论日本核污染的法律规制

从福岛核电站事故到日本政府排海方案,存在核污染风险的法律规制问题。排海方案实施行为违背多项国际环境保护义务。日本环境法规制在福岛事故前后发生变化,《放射性污染特措法》对日本国内核污染进行系统法律规制。国内法规制体系相对严格使得日本政府将核废水从国内排放转移到海洋排放。核污染风险法律预防需要突破剩余风险的限制,不能够按照达标排污即合规的常规预防思路,而应当采取特别预防,从风险的内涵定位、判断要素、禁令诉讼等多方面对其规制路径进行整体建构。     

NORTH KOREA’S PERSPECTIVES IN ITS ARGUMENT FOR A PEACE TREATY

In recent years, North Korea’s military provocations have been making the headlines. Beyond its harsh actions and remarks, North Korea persistently mentions ‘peace’ through a demand for a ‘peace treaty’. This may sound paradoxical. However, the origin of the North Korean argument for a peace treaty dates back to the Korean War (1950–53). Since then, North Korea has continued to raise the issue of a peace treaty in a consistent manner and the arguments have displayed similar logic and terminology throughout. It is this consistency and similarity that this article examines: through reviewing North Korea’s original texts, this article attempts to undercover North Korea's perspectives reflected in its argument for a peace treaty.     

核安全峰会与核安全全球治理

美国奥巴马政府上台以来,为应对核恐怖主义对美国国家安全造成的严峻威胁,提升国际社会应对核安全威胁的能力,重塑美国在核领域的领导地位,积极推动由各国首脑参加的核安全峰会。经过四届核安全峰会,国际社会在促进凝聚核安全共识、设定合作重点并推动核安全全球治理的建章立制等方面取得了诸多成果,但也面临着在后峰会时代保持国际合作势头、明确和完善核安全全球治理范畴以及进一步完善均衡的核安全全球治理机制等挑战。为确保核安全全球治理在后峰会时代的可持续发展,国际社会应在治理范畴方面分清主次,在治理模式方面坚持全球合作治理与国家治理相结合,发挥国际原子能机构的核心作用。拥有大量核材料与先进核安全技术的大国在全球治理中负有特殊责任,理应发挥表率作用。     

条约演化解释方法的最新实践及其反思

演化解释俨然已成为条约解释的一个新趋势,但在实践运用中,该方法却存在武断、机械和片面等问题。未遵循条约解释的基本原理是导致这些问题的主要原因。演化解释方法和当时意义解释方法的关系密切,应在综合考虑各个解释要素的基础上,对这两种方法权衡后再作选择。运用演化解释方法,应在条约已有概念的基础上进行,并且不得违背条约的目的和宗旨。演化解释方法的运用可沿循一定的路径进行。     

日本核损害赔偿制度及其与我国的比较

日本早在上个世纪60年代,就已建立了较为完善的原子能立法体系,因此才能在福岛核电站事故发生后较为从容地应对核损害赔偿问题.中国自上个世纪70年代起也开始发展和利用核能,与快速发展的核能事业不相符的是,我国关于核损害赔偿的法律制度仍然处于缺失状态,如何对可能发生的核事故进行及时、有效的赔偿是未来我国核能发展面临的重要课题.因此,我们有必要在比较研究外国立法的基础之上来修正我国的立法.